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<text id=94TT0998>
<title>
Aug. 01, 1994: Interview:Struggling to Make History
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Aug. 01, 1994 This is the beginning...:Rwanda/Zaire
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
INTERVIEW, Page 40
Struggling to Make History
</hdr>
<body>
<p> Gerry Adams talks about peace with the British
</p>
<p>By Gerry Adams, John Stacks, Barry Hillenbrand
</p>
<p> In Belfast a bomb has blown up a truck and the British army
has sealed off much of the Catholic Falls Road area. So Sinn
Fein leader Gerry Adams arrived a bit late for his interview
with TIME deputy managing editor John Stacks and London bureau
chief Barry Hillenbrand. In discussion: the conditions for participation
of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican Army,
in peace talks with the British.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: Over the past year, once bitter enemies in South Africa
and the Middle East have made tremendous progress in working
together. Why haven't you tried to seize the moment here with
the British?
</p>
<p> A. Adams: I don't believe that reflects a sensible notion because
both of those complex situations ((in South Africa and the Middle
East)) came into public prominence after years of private and
presumably secret deliberations. We have deep-rooted conflict
here, the legacy of some hundreds of years. The last year has
seen a remarkable turnaround, but it's important that what we
achieve in the end is lasting and has a solid foundation.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: But it looks as if Sinn Fein is unwilling to renounce
violence as a precondition for talking.
</p>
<p> A. Adams: We will talk now. Sinn Fein isn't the obstacle to
talks. There needs to be dialogue without preconditions.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: You think the demand for a cessation of violence is
a precondition?
</p>
<p> A. Adams: I don't think it should be. They talked to us up until
last November without preconditions. What they are doing is
simply taking a negotiating stance. But the whole lesson of
history is that you have to have dialogue. The presence of preconditions
simply puts that day off.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: Do you mean you and your party will not say "We renounce
violence" at this weekend's Sinn Fein conference or anytime
down the road?
</p>
<p> A. Adams: I don't remember Nelson Mandela renouncing violence
or Arafat genuflecting. It's a two-way process to bring about
a demilitarization, to get those involved in armed action to
stop. No sane person wants to be engaged in violence. But to
put preconditions on people prematurely only makes the situation
more problematic. Sinn Fein doesn't advocate violence. We don't
advocate armed struggle. We have suffered from the violence.
I want to see an unarmed strategy. I want to see a situation
where the I.R.A. ceases activities. But the people who are looking
down their guns at us are saying, well, you can't talk to us
unless you renounce violence. To me it's all meaningless, it's
all platitudes.
</p>
<p> There is nothing in my political life, or in fact in my other
life, that gives me any reason to trust the British. I think
every Republican wants peace. But they are not war weary. They
don't want to just give up.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: Many believe you are committed to joining the peace
process but you are having trouble convincing your colleagues
in the movement.
</p>
<p> A. Adams: No, not at all. There is no evidence at all of the
perennial suggestion of a Republican split; there will be no
Republican split. The difficulty is caused by the fact that
until we kick-started this process there was no talk about a
peace settlement. We had to bring the British government reluctantly
around to the notion of looking for a new arrangement. We have
to make sure we have a solid foundation; there are elements
of the Downing Street Declaration, a joint peace plan presented
by Prime Ministers John Major of Britain and Albert Reynolds
of Ireland in December 1993, that are not a solid foundation.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: But something has begun that makes it impossible for
you to turn back?
</p>
<p> A. Adams: We are absolutely into a new phase. It might not quite
be an irreversible thrust forward, but there is certainly a
new situation. For all the parties involved there is a new attitude
here.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: History is full of moments that have been missed.
</p>
<p> A. Adams: Of course I could be wrong. We have made some mistakes,
but generally speaking we have moved the situation from one
where the political landscape was iced over. We were able to
break the stagnation even though from my point of view it has
been painfully slow. The delay has been created by the British
failure to engage meaningfully.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: What compromises have you made?
</p>
<p> A. Adams: The time for compromise is when we agree to the broad
shape of the future. Our key contribution was getting this started.
After the Downing Street Declaration, we persisted in asking
for clarifications and accepted them even though they came through
the press and the Dublin government. Despite all the prevarications,
we have doggedly pushed forward.
</p>
<p> Q. TIME: Yet on the international stage the burden of progress
has been shifted to you.
</p>
<p> A. Adams: I'm very conscious of that. I know that once you start
throwing the ball, your enemies will throw it right back at
you. So we have the ball, we have possession, and we are going
to run with it.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>